Chukwuemeka Odumegwu-Ojukwu Flora Nwapa Louis Mbanefo Chinua Achebe Christopher Okigbo Michael Echeruo Ifeagwu Eke SJ Cookey Sam Mbakwe Janet Mokelu Obiora Udechukwu Zeal Onyia Uche Chukwumerije Kalu Ezera Philip Efiong Kamene Okonjo Ignatius Kogbara Alvan Ikoku Celestine Okwu Benedict Obumselu Donatus Nwoga NU Akpan Adiele Afigbo Michael Okpara Chukwuka Okonjo Akanu Ibiam CC Mojekwu Okoko Ndem Agwu Okpanku Tim Onwuatuegwu Chudi Sokei Pol Ndu Ben Gbulie Chuks Ihekaibeya Conrad Nwawo Dennis Osadebe Osita Osadebe Eme Awa Chuba Okadigbo Okechukwu Ikejiani Uzo Egonu Winifred Anuku Anthony Modebe Alex Nwokedi Zeal Onyia Chukwuedo Nwokolo Pius Okigbo Godian Ezekwe Felix Oragwu Ogbogu Kalu Kevin Echeruo Emmanuel Obiechina Uche Okeke Chukwuma Azuonye Onuora Nzekwu Chukuemeka Ike Eddie Okonta Cyprian Ekwensi Nkem Nwankwo John Munonye Gabriel Okara Kenneth Onwuka Dike Eni Njoku Okechukwu Mezu William Achukwu
(John Coltrane Quartet, “Lonnie’s lament” [personnel: Coltrane, tenor saxophone; McCoy Tyner, piano; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Elvin Jones, drums; recorded: Van Gelder Studio, Englewood, Cliff, NJ, US, 27 April 1964])
Legacy
For contemporary Igbo intellectuals, this, surely, is an historic legacy to contend with particularly in response to phase-IV of the genocide. The Igbo genocide is one of the most comprehensively documented crimes against humanity. 3.1 million Igbo, one-quarter of this nation’s population, were murdered byNigeria and its allies, prinicipally Britain, during those dreadful 44 months of unrelenting slaughtering and immiseration.
As these murders in this foundational genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa worsened in 1968, Harold Wilson, British prime minister, not some loony tyrant in some “backwater” state of the world but a duly elected politician from one of the leading liberal democratic states of the world, was adamant that he, Harold Wilson, “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took” Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide (Roger Morris, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, 1977: 122). Such is the grotesquely expressed diminution of African life made by a supposedly leading politician of the world of the 1960s – barely 20 years after the deplorable perpetration of the Jewish genocide in Europe by Nazi Germany when 6 million Jews were murdered.
Igbo intellectuals must contribute robustly to continue to inform the entire world of the nature and extent of the genocide, examining, pointedly, the variegated contours of the expansive trail of the crime, the parameters and strictures of the monstrosity of denialism of the crime (especially by some clusters of the core perpetrators of the genocide in Nigeria and their collaborators abroad including some in academia and media) and the debilitating and oppressive burden of 45 years of Nigeria’s occupation of Igboland.
For contemporary Igbo intellectuals, this, surely, is an historic legacy to contend with particularly in response to phase-IV of the genocide. The Igbo genocide is one of the most comprehensively documented crimes against humanity. 3.1 million Igbo, one-quarter of this nation’s population, were murdered by
As these murders in this foundational genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa worsened in 1968, Harold Wilson, British prime minister, not some loony tyrant in some “backwater” state of the world but a duly elected politician from one of the leading liberal democratic states of the world, was adamant that he, Harold Wilson, “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took” Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide (Roger Morris, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, 1977: 122). Such is the grotesquely expressed diminution of African life made by a supposedly leading politician of the world of the 1960s – barely 20 years after the deplorable perpetration of the Jewish genocide in Europe by Nazi Germany when 6 million Jews were murdered.
Igbo intellectuals must contribute robustly to continue to inform the entire world of the nature and extent of the genocide, examining, pointedly, the variegated contours of the expansive trail of the crime, the parameters and strictures of the monstrosity of denialism of the crime (especially by some clusters of the core perpetrators of the genocide in Nigeria and their collaborators abroad including some in academia and media) and the debilitating and oppressive burden of 45 years of Nigeria’s occupation of Igboland.
Statute
The crime of genocide, thankfully, has no statute of limitations in international law. Igbo intellectuals should therefore double their efforts to work for the prosecution of all individuals and institutions involved in committing this crime and effect the restoration of Igbo sovereignty, Biafra .
Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe
Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe
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