POINTED REMINDER: Those skirmishes in the mind of Harold Wilson’s dreadful calculations during phases I-III of the Igbo genocide, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970

(Harold Wilson: “would accept half a million dead Biafrans if that was what it took... [Britain’s on the ground co-genocidist  state Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide]” )

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

AT THE APOGEE of phase-III of Igbo genocide, mid 1968- autumn 1969, Harold Wilson, British prime minister and chief architect of this genocide, phases I-III, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970, is totally unperturbed as he informs Clyde Ferguson, the United States state department special coordinator for relief for Biafra – in response to the very British-coordinated premeditated genocide of Igbo people who had been comprehensively besieged, starved and bombarded by land and sea and air for 38 catastrophic months by the Anglo-Nigerian genocidists – that he, Harold Wilson, “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took” its client and co-genocidist state Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide (Roger Morris, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, London and New York: Quartet Books, 1977, p. 122.).

Indices of Wilsonian annihilative power

JUST who is Harold Wilson who is so contumelious to go on record to call for and execute the genocide of Igbo people of Biafra, 3150 miles away in southwestcentral Africa, 23 years after the end of the perpetration of the horrendous Jewish genocide by Germany in Europe in which the latter murdered 6 million Jews, and 20 years after the declaration of the seminal 1948 UN convention on the crime of genocide (see UN “Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide”, [https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%2078/volume-78-i-1021-english.pdf], accessed 12 October 2017)?

1. Harold Wilson is not some dictator, some leader of a loony party, a fascist party, or anything of that political brand

2. Harold Wilson is an elected politician, a politician in an advanced western representative democracy

3. Harold Wilson is leader of the British Labour party, one of Europe’s leading social democratic parties (also incorporates democratic socialists, other strands of socialists, communists, trade unionists)

4. Harold Wilson is prime minister of Britain

5. Harold Wilson is therefore not the prime minister of some “peripheral”/seemingly inconsequential country

6. Harold Wilson is prime minister of a “centre” state and power that was part of the victorious alliance that defeated a fascist global amalgam in a global war that ended in 1945 – barely 23 years earlier

7. Harold Wilson is prime minister of a “centre” state and power (sixth to occupy this exalted position since the end of  the 1939-945 war) that was one of the key countries that worked on the panel that drafted the historic 1948 UN “Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide”

8. Harold Wilson’s administration joins successive British governments in the past that have sought to “punish” the Igbo for the latter’s vanguard role during 1930s-October 1960 in the African peoples’ freedom project to liberate Nigeria, one of Britain’s “prized African occupied states” from 60 years of the British conquest; previous British governments had connived at the premeditated devastating pogroms of Igbo people organised and executed by the Fulani jihadist/islamist leadership (on the ground African strategic ally of the British occupation who Wilson would soon work with to unleash the Igbo genocide) in the north Nigeria towns of Jos (1945) and Kano (1953)

9. Harold Wilson pursues his genocide drive against the Igbo steeped in that overarching ideological rubric of the expressed “diminution-of-African life” that constitutes the engaging, subjugating template of 400 years of pan-European enslavement of the African humanity in the Americas and elsewhere, beginning in the 15th century, and Europe’s consequent occupation of the African homeland itself

10. Harold Wilson oversees the mass slaughter of the Igbo from his 10 Downing Street London official residence

11. Harold Wilson embarks on the savagery of this campaign by constructing an alliance of willing and ruthless pan-African constituent nations in Nigeria itself including, particularly, Yoruba, Urhobo and Edo of its west regions, Hausa, Kanuri, Jawara, Nupe, Bachama, Tiv, and Jukun of the north provinces, all loyal to and led by the Fulani, the visceral anti-African jihadists/islamists from Futa Djallon, 1000 miles away in northwestcentral Africa, who were stridently opposed to the Igbo-driven restoration of-African peoples-independence mission from the British occupation, and who had already demonstrated their expertise in Igbo mass slaughtering in the pogroms of 1945 and 1953 cited earlier

12. Harold Wilson’s decree death target of a half “a million dead Biafrans” represents 4.2 per cent of the Igbo population at this time

13. Harold Wilson realises 6-9 months after his “a half a million dead Biafrans”-death decree declaration, 12 January 1970, that his co-Nigerian genocidists on the ground have instead murdered 3.1 million Igbo people – 2.6 million more or 25 per cent of the total Igbo population; definitely, the Nigerians have handsomely obliged their “massa” Harold Wilson’s death decree of Igbo people...

14. Harold Wilson is not the least surprised of this outcome, thanks to British weapons his government supplied its co-Nigerian genocidists to accomplish their exterminating project – as Wilson recalls most effusively in his memoirs, published in 1971, the Nigerian military expended more small arms ammunition in its campaign to achieve its annihilative goal in Biafra than the amount used by the British armed forces  “during the whole” of the 1939-1945 war (Harold Wilson, Labour Government, 1964-1970: A Personal Record, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1971, p. 630, added emphasis)

15. Harold Wilson’s government’s diplomatic mission military advisor in genocidist Nigeria at the time, Robert Scott, acknowledges that at the height of the genocide, summer 1968-12 January 1970, their allied rampaging genocidists had turned swathes of Biafran territory into waste lands by the uncontrollable use of those British weapons that Wilson supplied so generously to them (Wilson: 630); Scott is graphically emphatic as he declares that as the genocidists unleashed their campaigns across Biafran cities, towns and villages, they are the “best defoliant agent known” (Sunday Telegraph, London, 11 January 1970)

Igbo resilient spirit

What has evidently underpinned the tenets of Harold Wilson’s very brazen role as this advocate of mass-slaughtering-of-Igbo people in the world of mid/late 1960s is his sheer confidence of a stunning “victory” in his stated goal: Harold Wilson believes fervently that given all the power at his disposal, and these are indeed immense, as we have shown, he would destroy Igbo people… There is, however, one feature in this outstretched power resource, a critical one for that matter, which Wilson is not in control of. Harold Wilson has no access to the resilient spirit of Igbo people, that forte that ensures Igbo survival of the genocide.

BY SURVIVING the genocide, the Igbo have not only repudiated the gruesome Wilsonian logic of Igbo mass slaughter most assuredly, but they are poised today, 53 years later, as the Biafra freedom movement has grown inexorably, to resume the interrupted construction of their beloved state of Biafra – the Land of the Rising Sun.

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Rashied Ali, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 6 June 1968]) 

Works cited

Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be”. Dix Hills,  New York: Coltrane home studio, 6 June 1968 

Morris, Roger. Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. London and New York: Quartet Books, 1977.

UN. “Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide”. 

https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%2078/volume-78-i-1021-english.pdf, 9 December 1948, accessed 12 October 2017.

Wilson, Harold. Labour Government, 1964-1970: A Personal Record. London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1971.

*****Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is the author of The longest genocide – since 29 May 1966 (2019) and co-author, with Lakeson Okwuonicha, of Why #DonaldTrump is #great for #Africa (2018)

Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe

Why is the archbishop of Canterbury conspicuously silent on the ongoing Igbo genocide?

(Justin Welby... archbishop of Canterbury: conspicuous silence)

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

SINCE November 2015, during the course of the fiendish génocidaire Muhammadu Buhari regime in Nigeria, imposed in office by ex-US President Barack Hussein Obama, first African-descent president of the United States in 233 years of the founding of the republic, and ex-British Prime Minister David Cameron, over 3000 Igbo people have been murdered across Biafra in stepped up scorched earth campaigns by the Nigeria military and its adjunct Fulani militia and Boko Haram terrorists (latter are 2 of the world’s 5 deadliest terrorist groups presently).*****

Sixty per cent of the 3000 murdered Igbo have occurred in Onicha and neighbouring towns and villages of southwest Biafra. These are all located in the Onicha diocese of the Anglican communion, part of the Church of England, one of this Christian denomination’s largest population districts in the world. Ninety-six per cent of Igbo are Christians and about 45 per cent of these protestant and overwhelming majority Anglican. 

NEITHER the Church of England nor its head, Justin Welby, the archbishop of Canterbury, who has known Muhammadu Buhari personally since the former enjoyed an exponentially-lucrative post working for French oil company Elf Aquitaine in the early 1980s in the petroleum oil industry in Biafra’s Oshimili Delta, occupied by genocidist Nigeria since January 1970, has condemned any of these Igbo slaughters since it began or offered public condolences to the aggrieved and traumatised Anglican communion congregants... 

Welby has undoubtedly aligned his church to the the key sectors of the British establishment, including, especially, business/finance, academia and the media (except, of course, the British Broadcasting Corporation which has sustained its unenviable position as genocidist Nigeria’s external services’ broadcaster in these past 53 years of the Igbo genocide –  https://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.com/2015/12/bbc-nationalists-or-secessionists.html) which have chosen total silence on the Igbo genocide, this longest genocide in contemporary history, as their mode of support for the prosecuting Anglo-Nigerian genocidists.  

(*****The 3000 Igbo murdered are part of the tens of thousands Igbo the Anglo-Nigerian genocidists have murdered in phase-IV of the ongoing Igbo genocide, beginning 13 January 1970. In phases I-III, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970, the dual-genocidists murdered 3.1 million Igbo or one-quarter of this nation’s population at the time.)

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Rashied Ali, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 6 June 1968]) 

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is the author of The longest genocide – since 29 May 1966 (2019) and co-author, with Lakeson Okwuonicha, of Why #DonaldTrump is #great for #Africa (2018)

Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe

Genevieve Nnaji, “Ndi Yoruba na Igbophobia”

(Genevieve Nnaji: ... one of Biafra’s and Africa’s leading actresses writes on ongoing widespread attacks on Igbo immigrants and the destruction/looting of their business enterprises by regime death-squads in Lagos, west genocidist Nigeria…[from Ngozika Ugochi Chukwu and Samuel Okeke’s Facebook pages, slightly edited])

Genevieve Nnaji

THE Igbo have never been the problem with Nigeria or

wherever they find themselves.
This is not ethnic jingoism or
bigotry.

The Igbo will never foment troubles where they are
because they know that “isi kote ebu, ogbaa ya”.

They also know deep in their hearts that “ife onye metalu, obulu”.

The Igbo will never kill others to live because they believe
that “ndu bu isi” Yes, murder or “igbu ochu” is one of the most
despicable crimes amongst the Igbo.

The Igbo believe that once you are alive, there is always a way left to succeed.
The “igba mbo” is perhaps the best gift of the Igbo.
Yes, the Igbo struggle to make it in life.
They are industrious, assiduous & sedulous.

The Igbo also believe in helping one another.

That’s why you hear “onye aghana nwanne ya”.

THERE is also no lateness in making it in life amongst the Igbo

because “ebe onye oso ruru, onye ije geru” and “uwa mgbede
ka mma”.

Igbo businesspeople are scattered all over the world.
Wherever they are, they make their homes, building houses &
gentrifying districts. For most lgbo, “ala bu otu”.

Igbo are liberal, accommodating & very friendly to foreigners.
This is because they are themselves scattered all over the world as
immigrants.

NA LAGOS, ndi Igbo naagba oso ahia, Igbo neere gala na go slow,

Igbo naaru conductor, umu Igbo bu importers buru manufacturers,

Igbo noo into clearing and forwarding,

Igbo neesi nri, umunna neere motor parts, Igbo naaru police na oru aka.

Ndi Igbo adiro selective with jobs maka na onye ruo, orie.
But the Igbo will never take your lands or countries from you.
The Igbo think about their native home.

Yes, you will never provide them with akpu, bitter leaves soup, palm wine, isi ewu & other scrumptious dishes they miss at Igboland.
While living in your country or State, never you imagine the Igbo are not thinking about their village.

My friend, they do that everyday.
Where ever the Igbo habitate, their hearts are not far from their native homes.

STOP KILLING the Igbo.
They will only make their money & go back to their land.
And they know how to make legitimate money.
Yes, where you see nothing, the Igbo with their gimlet eyes see “ego”.

So when next you meet an Igbo, ask them “nna, nne, how far?”
If you are lucky & they had done a successful business deal, they
might just take you out for lunch. Yes, the Igbo like sharing.

On the other hand, if business is low, they will tell you the
normal clichés... “obodo bu igwe” or “ife anaeme adiro easy” or
“ogbogu di tight”.

LOOK AT their face closely as they lament.
You will see no signs of defeatism. Mind you, they might just be
carrying 1 million naira in their pockets.
Just that the money had
already been budgeted for... “Sontin...es”!!!

Daaluu nu

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone;  Jimmy Garrison, bass; Ben Riley, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 29 January 1968]) 

*****Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is author of the recently published The longest genocide – since 29 May 1966 (2019)  (https://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.com/2019/01/published-longest-genocide-since-29-may.html)

Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe

49th anniversary of Nigeria’s launch of phase-IV of the Igbo genocide

(resplendent Biafra flag: ... on the ascent...)

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

WHAT IS NIGERIA? This is Africa’s most notorious genocidist and kakistocratic state, currently led by Fulani islamist/jihadists whose homeland is in the Futa Djallon highlands of northwest Africa, 1500 miles away.

Nigeria was created by Britain in the early 1900s after the latter’s conquest and occupation of  the constellation of states of nations and peoples in the southwestcentral region of Africa including the republican Igbo states to the east, stretching to the Atlantic coast, the west monarchical Edo and Yoruba state configurations and the expansionary militarist Arabo-islamist Fulani feudal principalities to the north. A hundred years on, genocidist Nigeria remains a British client-state, run on its behalf  by its Fulani confederate. It exists principally to serve Britain and this local overseer conglomerate and continues to offer Britain outlandishly excellent returns, if one uses any conceivable socioeconomic/geostrategic variable, year in, year out.

Igbo genocide: Africa’s age of pestilence

Nigeria inaugurated Africa’s current age of pestilence – starting from that dreadful mid-morning of Sunday 29 May 1966 when it embarked on the studiously-organised mass murder of its Igbo population domiciled in north Nigeria and later elsewhere in the country and subsequently expanded to Biafra. Britain, under the premiership of Harold Wilson, coordinated the genocide to “punish” the Igbo for this nation’s vanguard role in leading the campaign to terminate the British occupation during the course of the mid 1930s-October 1960. 

IN THIS foundational genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa, Anglo-Nigeria murdered 3.1 million Igbo people or 25 per cent of the Igbo population in 44 months, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970. Africa had not witnessed the unspeakable barbarity and range of such slaughtering of a people for 60 years; definitely, not since the German-organised genocide against the Herero, Nama and Berg Damara peoples of southwest Africa between 1904-1907.

BESIDES Britain, Nigeria was supported in the execution of the Igbo genocide by a range of (now) collapsed states and failed/failing states which provided it with critical military, financial, political and diplomatic resources: principally the Soviet Union, German Democratic Republic, Egypt, 
Syria, the Sudan, Algeria, Saudi Arabia, Chad, Niger, Guinea-Conakry. Since 12 January 1970, 12 million additional Africans have been murdered in further genocides and other wars in Africa carried out by similarly ruthless African regimes (especially in Rwanda, the Sudan, Democratic Republic of the Congo) and their foreign allies, including France.

Phase-IV ... and abhorrent legacy of US’s first African-descent president

On 13 January 1970, 49 years ago to the day, evidently not content with the appalling magnitude and consequences of its death campaign, Nigeria launched phase-IV of the genocide which now focused on degrading/dismantling the surviving frames of the (pre-genocide robust) Biafran economy, pulverised during phases-I-III of the previous 44 months, a programme intertwined gruesomely by spates and stretches of pogroms in which thousands of additional Igbo have been murdered. These murders have continued, unabated, to this day, as catalogued in the following link, especially from sub-title phase-IV: 
(http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2014/10/phase-i-sunday-29-may-1966-30-march.html)

SINCE imposing jihadist-genocidist trooper Muhammadu Buhari as Nigeria’s head of regime in March 2015 in a collaborative deal with David Cameron, former British prime minister, ex-US President Barack Hussein Obama actively supported this phase of the Igbo genocide (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2016/03/herbert-ekwe-ekwe-this-piece-is.html) particularly in his last two years in office. Being the first African-descent president in the US of 233 years of history and given the scourging dehumnisation of the African humanity in the US and elsewhere in the Americas during the stretch of this period, Obama’s support of this raging genocide against the Igbo, an African people in this continent of his fathers, is an incalculable tragedy, this presidential legacy of catastrophic proportions. Since Buhari was installed in power, 3000 Igbo have been murdered by his genocidist military and his two other adjunct forces, Boko Haram and Fulani militia – two of the world’s five deadliest terrorist organisations. 

Neither Obama’s White House nor his state department nor his embassy in Nigeria ever condemned any of these murders. It had been left to the audacious outreach of the London-based Amnesty International to shatter the deafening silence emanating from the Obama presidency on this ongoing genocide (https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2016/11/peaceful-pro-biafra-activists-killed-in-chilling-crackdown/, accessed 23 November 2016). 

Breakthrough

THE IGBO will overcome this genocide, despite the horrendous assault and its evidently hydra-headed drive. They possess the resilience to survive and triumph over this ordeal. They surely will. This Igbo resistance to the genocide is arguably the most defining struggle underway in Africa currently. The breakthrough of the Biafra freedom movement, very much on the cards, is of immense epochal consequence for Biafrans and the future direction of Africa. One cannot exaggerate the import of this development.

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Rashied Ali, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 6 June 1968]) 

*****Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is the author, with Lakeson Okwuonicha, of Why Donald Trump is great for Africa (2018)

(https://www.amazon.co.uk/Why-Donald-Trump-great-Africa-ebook/dp/B07KFQHXKV/ref=tmm_kin_swatch_0?_encoding=UTF8&qid=1542585950&sr=8-1)

Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe

POINTED REMINDER: Those skirmishes in the mind of Harold Wilson’s dreadful calculations during the Igbo genocide, phase-III

 

(Harold Wilson: “would accept half a million dead Biafrans if that was what it took...”)

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

HAROLD WILSON, British prime minister at the apogee of phase-III of Igbo genocide, 1968/1969, is totally unperturbed as he informs Clyde Ferguson, the United States state department special coordinator for relief for Biafra – in response to this British-coordinated premeditated mass murder campaign of Igbo people that had been comprehensively besieged, starved and bombarded by land and sea and air for 44 months, that he, Harold Wilson, “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took” its client and co-genocidist state Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide (Roger Morris, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, London and New York: Quartet Books, 1977, p. 122)

Indices of annihilative power

JUST who is Harold Wilson who is so contumelious to go on record to call for the genocide of Igbo people of Biafra, 3150 miles away in southwestcentral Africa, 23 years after the end of the perpetration of the horrendous Jewish genocide by Germany in Europe in which it murdered 6 million Jews and 20 years after the declaration of the seminal 1948 UN convention on the crime of genocide (see UN “Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide”, [https://treaties.un.org/doc/publication/unts/volume%2078/volume-78-i-1021-english.pdf], accessed 12 October 2017)?

1. Harold Wilson is not some dictator, some leader of a loony party, a fascist party, or anything of that brand

2. Harold Wilson is elected politician, a politician in an advanced western representative democracy

3. Harold Wilson is leader of the British Labour party, one of Europe’s leading social democratic parties (also incorporates democratic socialists, other strands of socialists, trade unionists)

4. Harold Wilson is prime minister of Britain

5. Harold Wilson is therefore not the prime minister of some “peripheral”/seemingly inconsequential country

6. Harold Wilson is prime minister of a “centre” state and power that was part of the victorious alliance that defeated a fascist global amalgam in a global war that ended in 1945 – barely 23 years earlier

7. Harold Wilson is prime minister of a “centre” state and power (sixth to occupy this exalted position since the end of global war in 1945) that was one of the key countries that worked on the panel that drafted the historic 1948 UN “Convention on the Prevention of the Crime of Genocide”

8. Harold Wilson’s administration joins successive British governments in the past that have sought to “punish” the Igbo for the latter’s vanguard role (during 1930s-October 1960) in the African peoples’ freedom project to liberate Nigeria, one of Britain’s “prized African occupied states” from 60 years of the British conquest; previous British governments had connived at the premeditated devastating pogroms of Igbo people organised and executed by the Fulani leadership (on the ground African strategic ally of the British occupation who Wilson would soon work with to unleash the Igbo genocide) in the north Nigeria towns of Jos (1945) and Kano (1953)

9. Harold Wilson pursues his genocide drive against the Igbo steeped in that overarching ideological rubric of the expressed “diminution-of-African life” that constitutes the engaging, subjugating template of 400 years of pan-European enslavement of the African humanity in the Americas and elsewhere, beginning in the 15th century, and Europe’s consequent occupation of the African homeland itself

10. Harold Wilson oversees the mass slaughter of the Igbo from his 10 Downing Street London official residence

11. Harold Wilson embarks on the savagery of this campaign by constructing an alliance of willing and ruthless pan-African constituent nations in Nigeria itself including, particularly, the Fulani (who had already demonstrated their expertise in Igbo mass slaughtering in the pogroms of 1945 and 1953 cited earlier), Hausa, Kanuri, Jawara, Nupe, Bachama, Tiv, and Jukun of the north region, and the Yoruba, Urhobo and Edo of its west provinces

12. Harold Wilson’s target of a half “a million dead Biafrans”represents 4.2 per cent of the Igbo population at this time

13. Harold Wilson realises 6-9 months after his “a half a million dead Biafrans”-wish declaration, 12 January 1970, that his co-Nigerian genocidists on the ground have instead murdered 3.1 million Igbo people – 2.6 million more or 25 per cent of the total Igbo population; definitely, the Nigerians have handsomely obliged their “massa” Harold Wilson’s wish...

14. Harold Wilson is not the least surprised of this outcome, thanks to British weapons his government supplied its co-Nigerian genocidists to accomplish their exterminating mission – as Wilson recalls in his memoirs, published in 1971, the Nigerian military expended more small arms ammunition in its campaign to achieve its annihilative goal in Biafra than the amount used by the British armed forces  “during the whole” of the Second World War (Harold Wilson, Labour Government, 1964-1970: A Personal Record, London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson, 1971, p. 630, added emphasis)

15. Harold Wilson’s government’s diplomatic mission military advisor in genocidist Nigeria at the time, Robert Scott, acknowledges his employer’s empirical evidence albeit linguistically (at the height of the genocide, mid 1968- January 1970) that as the Nigerian genocidists unleashed their campaigns across Biafran cities, towns and villages, they are the “best defoliant agent known” (Sunday Telegraph, London, 11 January 1970)

Igbo resilient spirit

What has evidently underpinned the tenets of Harold Wilson’s very brazen role as this advocate of mass-slaughtering-of-a-people in the world of mid/late 1960s is his sheer confidence of a stunning “victory” in his mission: Harold Wilson believes fervently that given all the power at his disposal, and these are indeed immense, as we have shown, he will destroy Igbo people… There is, however, one feature in this outstretched power resource, a critical one for that matter, which Wilson is not in control of. Harold Wilson has no access to the resilient spirit of Igbo people, that forte that ensures Igbo survival of the genocide.

BY SURVIVING the genocide, the Igbo have not only repudiated the gruesome Wilsonian logic of Igbo mass slaughter most assuredly, but they are poised today, 52 years later, as the Biafra freedom movement has grown inexorably, to resume the interrupted construction of their beloved state of Biafra – the Land of the Rising Sun.

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Rashied Ali, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 6 June 1968]) 

Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe

Why is the archbishop of Canterbury conspicuously silent on the ongoing Igbo genocide?

(Justin Welby: archbishop of Canterbury)

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

SINCE NOVEMBER 2015, during the course of the génocidaire Muhammadu Buhari regime in Nigeria (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2016/01/herbert-ekwe-ekwe-it-is-indeed.html), over 2000 Igbo have been murdered in expanded scorched earth campaigns by its military/adjunct Fulani militia across Biafra. Sixty per cent of these murders have occurred in Onicha and neighbouring towns and villages, southwest Biafra, which are all located in the Onicha diocese of the Anglican communion, part of the Church of England, one of this denomination’s largest population districts in the world. 

Neither the Church of England nor its head, Justin Welby, the archbishop of Canterbury, who has known Muhammadu Buhari personally since the former worked in the petroleum oil industry in Nigeria in the early 1980s, has condemned any of these Igbo slaughters of the past two years or offered public condolences to the aggrieved and traumatised Anglican communion congregants...

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Rashied Ali, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 6 June 1968]) 

Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe

To heads of administrative regions Abia, Anambra, Delta, Ebonyi, Enuugwu, Imo and Rivers of genocidist Nigeria-occupied Biafra: Condemn the ongoing barbarism by the genocidists or resign

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

AS THE heads of administrative regions of occupied Biafra and the rest of the world are fully aware, the fiendish genocidist Nigeria occupation military in Biafra has laid siege on Nnamdi Kanu’s home in Afaraukwu-Ibeku, east Biafra, since Sunday 10 September 2017. During the course of this crass barbarism, several Biafrans have been murdered and wounded by the genocidists.

Nnamdi Kanu is the leader of the Indigenous People of Biafra, the most peaceful freedom movement of its kind in Africa presently and one of the very few across the South World. The 50 million Biafrans peacefully campaign for the restoration of their independence. This right to freedom is inalienable and it is for all peoples; neither history nor geography limits this right. Genocidist Nigeria, led by Hausa-Fulani/islamists, and its co-genocidist suzerain state Britain murdered 3.1 million Igbo or 25 per cent of this nation’s population during phases I-III of the genocide, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970, and tens of thousands of additional Igbo since its launch of phase-IV of the genocide, 13 January 1970-Present Day, which coincides with the direct occupation of Biafra. Biafrans will free themselves despite the catastrophe of genocide and occupation.

MOST SHOCKINGLY, there has been a deafening silence from the six heads of regions of occupied Biafra over the sheer savagery waged on their citizens, their very own people, by genocidist Nigeria. Why? Why? Why?

These heads of regions must condemn at once the ongoing attacks on their people and demand the total withdrawal of all Nigeria genocidist forces and adjuncts (including especially Fulani militia) from Biafra. Alternatively, they should resign for failure/inability to protect the citizens within their administrative briefs. Silence is definitely not an option. On the contrary, silence, as a response to this outrage, amounts to complicity.

Genocide is a crime against humanity. Consequently, there is no statute of limitations in international law for the apprehension, prosecution and punishment of all those involved/assisting in the execution of this crime.

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Ben Riley, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 29 January 1968]) 

Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe

The British proconsul or Britain’s chief representative to genocidist Nigeria

Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

Few now fail to observe the unassailable ascent of the Biafra freedom movement. The convulsive desperation being exhibited presently by the British chief representative to genocidist Nigeria in speech after speech in this “country” of Britain’s denouncing Igbo/other African peoples’ rights to self-determination speaks volumes of British acknowledgement, however belated, 51 years later, that neither it nor its client co-genocidist state Nigeria can stop the triumph of Biafra freedom. No one else can. The Igbo are gone! Gone! Free!

Some would probably argue that the chief representative’s rantings, condemning African peoples’ inalienable rights to freedom whilst on the ground in the “foreign land” of their posting as a “diplomat”, is “not diplomatic”. This representative would retort, and correctly so, that their position in Nigeria is far beyond that of the “conventional diplomat” but that of a proconsul – from suzerain state Britain.

“Driving seats” of freedom

Two major unfolding events in Britain itself and the perceived, related consequences that these could have on the politics of the ongoing Igbo genocide waged by both Britain and Nigeria account for this proconsul’s unrestrained utterances on African freedom and feeling of bitterness: (1) Scotland’s (nation and state positioned at north region of Britain) quest for restoration-of-independence from Britain after 310 years of union and (2) British departure from the European Union after 44 years of union. Both “unions”, it must be stressed, were consummated because of the voluntary wish or disposition of each of the constituent members/parties. 

As I have shown elsewhere 
(http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-
scots-rights-for-igbo.html), Scotland is a very unlikely candidate to wish to leave the British Union given the exponential benefits that it has derived from the association for three centuries but the Scots insist that they want to exercise their inalienable right to freedom, a right recognised by the United Nations as a right for all peoples. Nicola Sturgeon, Scottish first minister couldn’t be clearer on this goal of the Scottish mission: “Our dream is for Scotland to become independent … To be in the driving seat of our own destiny, to shape our own future”. In her own 29 May 2017 letter to EU President Donald Tusk formally triggering British exit from the EU, British Prime Minister Theresa May unequivocally strikes the chord of freedom: “[we are leaving the EU] to restore our self-determination”.

Both Sturgeon and May declarations on freedom are at the core of the historic Igbo freedom resolve made on 29 May 1966, 51 years earlier, to exit from the British-created Nigeria conquest-“federation” in response to the Anglo-Nigeria launch of the Igbo genocide, this foundational genocide of post-(European conquest) Africa. Both genocidist states’ collaborators murdered 3.1 million Igbo people, 25 per cent of this nation’s population, during phases I-III of the genocide (29 May 1966-12 January 1970) and have subsequently murdered tens of thousands of additional Igbo during phase-IV of the crime which continues to this day.

In the wake of Brexit and the Scots’ restoration-of-independence drive, such high-profile and most unprecedented manifestations of freedom for the peoples not seen recently within Britain, the British government has no confidence at all that its clients in Nigeria can adequately articulate the seeming complexity of explaining to African peoples in Nigeria why their “country” should be waging a 50-year-old genocide against Igbo people, an African people, for demanding to be free to be in the “driving seat of [their] destiny, to shape [their] own future”, “to restore [their] self-determination”, just as the Scots and the other constituent peoples in contemporary Britain so wish. 

That task of explaining has been assigned to its chief representative in Nigeria and the outcome is the staggering racist vituperation voiced by the envoy and covered in the media in Nigeria. Reading through the vitriol, it appears that the proconsul is not only actively waging this phase of the Igbo genocide but is also confronting the Igbo all over again as in the enslaved plantation estates of Virginia, the Carolinas and elsewhere in southern United States and in Jamaica and Barbados and Saint Domingue of the Caribbean after not too many centuries since... The hostility to African freedom can indeed be devastating to the psyche of its assailant(s)… A Fanonian diagnosis here couldn’t be more instructive. 

Genesis

British chief representatives in genocidist Nigeria as proconsul did not, of course, emerge with the recent dramatic developments of Scottish freedom and Brexit. Nigeria, it cannot be exaggerated, belongs to Britain; Nigeria is Britain’s (for a more expansive range of discourse on this theme, see Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, “Igbo genocide, Britain and the United States”, http://re-
thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2015/10/herbert-ekwe-ekwe-conquerors-concord-in.html).

Right from the outset, beginning of the Igbo genocide in May 1966, the resident British chief representative, Francis Cumming-Bruce, was proconsul liaising unabashedly with Yakubu Gowon-Yakubu Danjuma-Murtala Mohammed genocidist cells in the Nigeria military and civilian genocidist operatives who were on their premeditated goal raging and murdering any and all Igbo in their sights. During phase-III of the genocide (6 July 1967-12 January 1970), some ex-British conquest administrators/officials who had worked in Nigeria and were back home were often tagged as more “coherent spokespersons” who “rationalised” the genocide than the official Nigerian genocidist spokespersons especially Tony Enaharo, Alison Ayida, Murtala Mohammed, Obafemi Awolowo. The British Broadcasting Corporation, that state broadcaster, particularly its World Service channel, was nothing short of being the external radio station for the prosecuting Nigeria genocidist junta in Lagos. This service was much more robust in its “rationalisation” of the genocide (“one Nigeria”, “territorial integrity”, “inviolability of colonial-set frontiers”, “indissolubility of colonial-set borders”, “rebels”, “unacceptable precedence for rest of Africa”, “secessionist!”, “secessionist!”, “secessionist!”…) than the rambling, ramshackle Voice of Nigeria. 

We should note that neither the BBC nor any major broadcaster, news agency, webcaster and the like in the European World/West would dare use any or a variation of the epithets in the parenthesis above employed to demonise Igbo freedom in commentaries/discussion on the Scottish freedom movement or those of the English, Welsh or Irish peoples of the British Isles or indeed that of Catalonian people in Spain currently on course.

Biafra mission

Biafrans have an opportunity to begin to build a new civilisation where human life, fundamentally, is sacrosanct. This salient feature cannot be overstressed. Nigeria has been, for the Igbo, a haematophagous quagmire throughout its history especially since 1945 when the first organised pogrom against Igbo immigrants in Jos (northcentral Nigeria) executed by the Hausa-Fulani/islamist north took place under the very watch of the British occupation regime. Hundreds of Igbo were murdered and their homes and other property looted or destroyed. This pogrom was followed by yet another in Kano (further north) in 1953, executed by the same assailants, again under the watch of the British occupation. These dual-pogroms became the prelude,  the “dress rehearsals” to the concerted launch of the Igbo genocide by Anglo-Nigeria on 29 May 1966. In neither the Jos nor Kano pogroms did the British prosecute anyone involved in the Igbo massacres. Those writing the scores of the Biafra freedom symphony are aware of these crucial interlocking features of this devastatingly tragic history of Igbo people. 

The Biafran freedom mission is therefore not geared to begin to construct a state that is merely post-genocide or post post-conquest/post post-“colonial” state of Africa – in other words, cancelling out here and there, in some mechanical venture, that which was Nigeria, arguably “Berlin-state” Africa’s most notorious state. Instead, Biafra is a realisation, a profound reclamation of that which makes us all human and part of humanity. Biafra is a beacon of the tenacity of the spirit of human overcoming of the most desperate, unimaginable brutish forces. Biafra is a haven of creativity, humanism, and progress, in the wake of the gruesome and expansive Igbo genocide.

(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone;  Jimmy Garrison, bass; Ben Riley, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 29 January 1968]) 

Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe