(Review
essay of Chinua Achebe, A Man of the
People [London :
Heinemann, 1966], 167pp., £7.10,
pb, £4.35, kindle ed/US$11.63, pb)
Arrow of God
This is the year of Arrow of God. 2014 is the 50th anniversary of the publication of Chinua Achebe’s tome. I have been rereading it lately to write a paper for a conference on this jubilee commemoration later on in the year. I decided, earlier on in the year, to first reread A Man of the People, Achebe’s fourth and later novel after Arrow of God, and then approach the latter – in other words, alternate the sequencing of the epochs of the groundings of the two texts by appearing to reread Arrow of God backwards! For now, I would like to keep the important discovery I think I may have encountered in this fascinating rereading format until my conference paper delivery. It will be published subsequently.
One by-product that has of course emerged in the exercise has been the opportunity to review A Man of the People even if this invariably anticipates its own jubilee two years away. Such a review has a pressing relevance for the present, though, as this year marks the centenary of the British conquest regime’s construction of the unmitigated catastrophe that goes by the name
(Oliver Nelson Quintet, “Six and Four” – personnel: Nelson, alto saxophone; Eric Dolphy, alto saxophone; Richard Wyands, piano; George Duvivier, bass; Roy Haynes, drums [recorded Van Gelder Studio, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, US, 1 March 1961])
Prophet?
A Man of the People (hereinafter, AMP) is published in early January 1966. This is a few days before the military coup d’état that overthrows the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa civilian government which the supposedly outgoing British occupation-governor had imposed on the country in 1959, following a fractious election that the British rigged in favour of its north regional sociopolitical clients. The latter would, in turn, safeguard those vast expropriatory interests of
http://rethinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2014/03/elections-in-africa-voter-court-outcome.html, accessed 29 June 2014).
A striking feature in the resolution of the
grave crisis of this state that Achebe wrestles with in AMP is its degeneration into a military coup and rampaging violence
(“But the Army obliged us by staging a coup at that point and locking up every
member of the Government” – Achebe, A Man
of the People, 1966: 165), an extraordinary predictive insight, if ever
there was one, that confronts the reader, considering the gruesome trajectory of
politics in Nigeria, in 1966, the year this same state launches the Igbo
genocide, the foundational genocide of post(European)conquest Africa, in which
3.1 million Igbo are murdered. Indeed on the receipt of an advance copy of AMP, poet and playwright John Pepper Clarke-Bekederemo
observes, “Chinua, I know you are a prophet. Everything in this
book has happened except a military coup” (emphasis in the original). Ken Post,
a British academic working in west Africa at the time, recalls: “Chinua
Achebe proved to be a better prophet than any of the political scientists”. Once
again, “Prophet”! Is Chinua Achebe, the Father of African Literature, also a
prophet?
AMP
focuses on two main protagonists: Nanga, or to refer to his official
designation, Chief the Honourable M. A. Nanga, M.P., Minister of Culture, and
Odili, the narrator. In case anyone is inclined to think that Nanga’s depiction
is much of a parody, given the thrust of the novel, they need to be reassured
that a Nanga actively walking the corridors of regime power in contemporary
Nigeria, 50 years later, is more likely to wear the following even more
bombastic tag: Chief (Prof) Dr Alhaji Sir (Gen, ret.) Mallam The Honourable M.
A. Ph.D. Nanga, M.P., mni, Minister of Higher Priesthood & Culture, such is
Achebe’s exceptional descriptive and imaginative insights so registered avidly
throughout the novel. Nanga epitomises what public service entails for the
typical politician in Nigeria ,
since 1960: corrupt and corrupting operative who fleeces the public treasury,
“bloated by the flatulence of ill-gotten wealth, living in the big mansion
built with public money” (Achebe, 1966: 85).
Odili, the school teacher, the reflective
intellectual, and authorial voice, argues that the Chief (Prof) Dr Alhaji Sir (Gen,
ret.) The Honourable Nangas of the times are so stubbornly confident that, “as
long as [peoples in society] are swayed by their hearts and stomachs and not
their heads the … Nangas of this world will continue to get away with anything”
(73). The Nangas here, and in fact elsewhere, Odili continues, have “taken away
enough for the owner to notice … It was not just a simple question of a [person’s]
cup being full. A [person’s] cup might be full and none the wiser. But here the
owner knew, and the owner … is the will of the people” (97). Besides the
billions of US dollars which Britain and its allied interests have wrenched
from its Nigeria creation over the years, what empirically constitutes that
which has been “taken away enough for the owner to notice” by these fleecing
brigands of African overseeing truckers between the 1960s and presently is
US$700 billion.
Brigand & monster
Here, Franz Schurmann’s observation that these
brigands are not “traditional but rather a phenomenon of modernity. They are
fighting for power in a Western-type state” is hugely significant. What has
been definitive in the past 48 years of this “fighting for power” in the
restricted, calibrated spaces of just overseeing these African redoubts created
by and for European World/overseas’ interests is that it is a fight to the death – genocides (Igbo,
Tutsi, Darfuri, Blue Nile/South Kordofan/Nuba Mountains, Democratic Republic of
the Congo), wars, immiseration, genocides, wars, immiseration... Between 29 May
1966 and today, 30 June 2014, the “Berlin-states” of Africa
have been responsible for the murder of 15 million Africans. Its worst
offender, its most notorious, its principal killer, remains Nigeria . This Nigeria . This haematophagous
monster. This Nigeria, this killing machine which continues its murder of
Africans most ruthlessly, most flagrantly, most unconscionably, even as these
lines are written…
Africans now no longer need any reminders that
the “Berlin-state” in their midst is not there for their interests, their
wellbeing. Enough of this reminder! Enough! There couldn’t be any more eloquent
interlocutors on this subject, in the case of Nigeria, for instance, than
Messrs Lugard & Clifford, the very creators of this contraption, as was highlighted
earlier. It is now an overriding imperative that each and every constituent
people or nation in Africa embarks on the
construction of a state that suits its wellbeing. This crisis, currently, is
undoubtedly existential.
Freedom
Just as an empirical value has been offered to underscore
the urgency of Odili’s philosophical musings on the pulverising economic legacy
of the local overseer brigands of the still-occupied
Africa, another empirical reference is available, thankfully, to address
Odili’s own liberatory conclusion
that “the owner knew”, “the will of the people”, at last, does know what is at
stake in this human-made imbroglio. It also requires a human intervention to right
this wrong of history. Osita Ebiem’s Nigeria , Biafra & Boko Haram, which I cited
earlier, is at once positioned to operationalise Odili’s optimism with regards
to the resolution of the case of Nigeria , at least, and, 100 years
to the day, offers a historic reply to conquest operatives Lugard &
Clifford:
No generation of human beings should live as if the world comes to an end after them ... [T]he people in this generation must work at freeing all the entrapped sovereign nations and their people from the traumatic union of one Nigeria … this generation cannot afford to depart this stage without dissolving the Nigerian union in the interest of the next ones. (added emphasis) (Ebiem: 184-185)Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe