Friday, 27 January 2017

Once again, dismissing this diversionary nonsense that calls itself “Igbo presidency” in Nigeria




Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe


Architects and operatives
Given the critical links between the salient features of the politics of genocidist Nigeria’s occupation of Biafra since 13 January 1970 and the overarching architecture of these 50 years of a genocidal campaign, begun on 29 May 1966, few now doubt that the Igbo termination of the occupation is at once the resumption of their disrupted historic freedom march from Nigeria and the implementation of an expansive socioeconomic programme of reconstruction unprecedented in this southwestcenral region of Africa.  

If this is the case, one does not need an “Igbo presidency” in Nigeria to achieve this freedom goal as some Igbo commentators as well as a few others have, at times, contended, but quite uncritically. Just recently, according to reports in the media in Nigeria, even raging génocidaire trooper Olusegun Obasanjo has waded into this perverse advocacy, “supporting [sic] Igbo presidency in 2019” (Vanguard, Lagos, 25 January 2017). This very development is tellingly dreadful. Obasanjo is one of the most notorious operatives of the Igbo genocide during phases I-III, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970. At its apogee, 1968/1969, an Obasanjo-led brigade, operating in the outstretched south Biafra, had converted this panhandle into a veritable killing field in which it slaughtered tens of thousands of Igbo people – “… everything that moves … we shoot at everything, even at things that don’t move”, as this brigade’s previous commander, the equally notorious Benjamin Adekunle, had so grimly proffered. The skies of Biafra were neither spared from this “shoot-at-everything” monstrosity by the Obasanjo death squad. In June 1969, Obasanjo ordered his air force to shoot down a 3-person crew international Red Cross aircraft bringing urgent relief to the encircled, blockaded, and bombarded Igbo, and he later boasted fiendishly of this crime in his memoirs, aptly entitled My Command (Ibadan & London, 1980: 78-79). 

It is anyone’s guess, 50 years on, what indeed a surviving Igbo-descent president in a Nigeria is supposed to be working on in their role as “president of Nigeria” as prescribed by precisely none other than one of the most loathsome of the architects and operatives of this genocide.  

Inexorable logic

It cannot be overstressed that no “Igbo presidency” in Nigeria, not even one reinforced with an all-Igbo personnel in the key cabinet military/police/“security”-positions can halt this ongoing genocide by Nigeria and its British suzerain state. This campaign has now acquired an inexorable logic to its being. The Nigeria military and its adjunct forces, especially Boko Haram and the Fulani militia, now strategise and coordinate the prosecution of the genocide as the world has seen particularly since Muhammadu Buhari, yet another génocidaire, became head of regime in May 2015.

What the emergence of Boko Haram and its Fulani militia cousin (part of the five most deadly terrorist organisations in the world presently, according to the New York-based Institute for Economics and Peace) has demonstrated in Nigeria is that each of the (now) tripartite-prosecuting agency of the Igbo genocide has become very much decentred, very much motivated, very much engagingly virulent. 

The typical Boko Haram suicide-operating cell is a handful-strength, in single digits, and none in the group knows any of the others until they meet at the designated, targeted site of operation – in which they, invariably, are not expected to survive! If any survives, the person, of course, becomes a member of a new cell of hitherto unknown members and the cycle goes on... A Fulani militia cell, employing this decentred operational flexibility, carries out its terror outrage accompanied by a herd of cattle as cover... An army, air force, navy, so-called DSS (“department of state services”)/other terror service units based anywhere in occupied Biafra can organise a murder onslaught anytime on the occupied population without waiting for “direct authorisation” from the genocidist high command back in Abuja, Nigeria...

Inalienable

Prior to this amalgamation of genocidist forces in Nigeria, still on the “Igbo presidency”, we mustn’t forget that Nigeria was under the leadership of an Igbo general when the genocide began on 29 May 1966. Thus, “Igbo presidency” offers no route to the Igbo halting the genocide, one of the strategic goals of the freedom movement. None whatsoever. The route remains Igbo freedom from Nigeria. This is an inalienable Igbo right with or without the genocide as I have argued severally. If the Scots, for instance, one-tenth of the Igbo population and without a genocide antecedent would wish to leave a union they have largely been exponential beneficiaries for 300 years (Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, “Rights for Scots, Rights for the Igbo”, 
http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-scots-rights-for-igbo.html), the Igbo, surely, don’t require any agonisingly turgid historical nor sociological treatise to wish to leave Nigeria.

Resolution

Genocidist Nigeria does know that the Igbo are not Nigerian. The Igbo are from Biafra. The Igbo are Biafran. Whilst the Igbo worked extraordinarily hard by playing the vanguard role in the liberation of Nigeria from the British conquest (beginning from the mid-1930s to October 1960), the Igbo ceased to be Nigerian on Sunday 29 May 1966. This is the day Nigeria launched the Igbo genocide. 

The Igbo renouncement of their Nigerian citizenship is the irrevocable Igbo indictment on a state that embarked on the destruction of 3.1 million Igbo people, 25 per cent of this nation’s population at the time. The only future a genocide-state has is that those murdered by it or others apprehensive that it could extend its murderous heritage on them abandon it – nothing else. In the specific Nigeria case, that epitome of its savagery, presidency nigeriana, is at once repudiated for what it is worth. It is this possibility of a transformative future of Africa that the Obasanjos and others in the genocidist lair and war outposts on the continent responsible for the murder of 15 million African peoples in the past 50 years dread most profoundly.

Biafrans have since abandoned genocidist Nigeria and are on their way to restore their sovereignty in their Biafran homeland as their resilient and confident freedom movement breathtakingly demonstrates currently. Its outcome on the African scene is of immense epochal consequence, the likes of which we haven’t seen. The Biafra flag is on the ascent. There can never be a reversal. This will be one of the most outstanding breakthroughs of the freedom movement of the age.
(Andrew Hill Sextet, “Spectrum” [personnel: Hill, piano; Kenny Dorham, trumpet; Eric Dolphy, alto saxophone, bass clarinet, flute; Joe Henderson, tenor saxophone;  Richard Davis, bass; Tony Williams, drums; recorded: Van Gelder Studio, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, US, 21 March 1964])
Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe

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