Showing posts with label no statute of limitations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label no statute of limitations. Show all posts

Monday, 13 March 2017

Biafra and Scotland’s plans for second referendum on restoration-of-independence

(Nicola Sturgeon: “The UK Government was clear in 2014 that an independence referendum should be, in their words, ‘made in Scotland, by the people of Scotland’ – that is a principle that should be respected today. The detailed arrangements for a referendum – including its timing – should be for the Scottish Parliament to decide ...We believe that the Scottish Parliament should have the right to hold another referendum if there is clear and sustained evidence that independence has become the preferred option of a majority of the Scottish people – or if there is a significant and material change in the circumstances that prevailed in 2014, such as Scotland being taken out of the EU against our will” extract from speech in Bute House, Edinburgh, Scotland, official residence of Scottish first minister, Monday 13 March 2017)
Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe

NICOLA STURGEON, leader of the Scottish Nationalist Party and first minister of Scotland has announced that Scotland will try again to vote in a new referendum, a second referendum, for the restoration of independence, 310 years after union with England in the state called United Kingdom. In the last referendum exercise in October 2014, the “Yes-for-independence” vote scored 45 per cent against the “No” campaigners who won by receiving 55 per cent. 

Speaking today (Monday 13 March 2017) at a specially convened media conference in her residence in Edinburgh, Sturgeon is emphatic about the second referendum that she could call as early as next year:
I am ensuring that Scotlands future will be decided not just by me ... it will be decided by the people of Scotland ... it will be Scotlandchoice and I trust the people to make that choice.
No peoples are exempt

Sturgeon’s studied position on this all important subject of independence, an inalienable right indeed, is not only shared by Scots but by a stretch of peoples and nations across the globe. The Igbo people of Biafra in southwestcentral Africa, 3475 miles southeast of Scotland, are proud to belong to this illustrious heritage. For 51 years, beginning on 29 May 1966, the Igbo have sought to exercise this “choice” but have been subjected to a devastating genocide by Nigeria and Britain, the very country that Scotland has been part of since 1707. In fact, quite a few prominent Scottish politicians, most of whom were in the (British) Labour party at the time, were active agents in the perpetration of this genocide.  In phases I-III of the genocide (29 May 1966-12 January 1970), the Anglo-Nigerian genocidist amalgam murdered 3.1 million Igbo people or one-quarter of this nation’s population.

This genocide is continuing as these lines are written. Since Muhammadu Buhari (current head of regime in Nigeria who the British government, under Prime Minister Cameron, and the ex-US President Obama, played a key role to install and wholeheartedly supports) came to power in May 2015, 2000 Igbo people demanding the restoration of their independence have been murdered – usually shot at sight during peaceful freedom marches by the Nigerian military equipped mostly with British weapons. Several human rights organisations in Biafra and abroad, including Amnesty International, have reported extensively on this current phase of the Igbo genocide.

UNLIKE THE Igbo, Scotland is not seeking freedom from the United Kingdom because it has been assailed by genocide or any other crimes from the union. Of course not. On the contrary, Scotland has been a distinct beneficiary from the union, this quintessential  expression of the “nation-state” if ever there was one, including access to the gargantuan wealth seized by the union across the globe during its centuries of conquests and occupations which included Biafra and other regions of the African World (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-scots-rights-for-igbo.html).

What Scotland seeks from the UK is freedom to be in the “driving seat of their destiny”, a Sturgeon phrase used in the past to capture this quest, the right of self-determination which, we just noted, is inalienable, which is for all peoples, which is recognised by the United Nations. No peoples are therefore exempt from this right whatever may be their status, experience or circumstance in the state from which they wish to exit.

Appropriately it couldn’t

Britain, a signatory to the relevant articles of the UN convention that recognises this right to self-determination prefers, understandably, that Scotland continues its constituent relationship with the UK-union but respects Scotland’s right to seek to be “in the driving seat of [its] own destiny”. Appropriately, the British military or police couldn’t, conceivably, dare disrupt nor wish in any way to stop this morning’s Nicola Sturgeon’s press conference speech for renewed referendum for the restoration of independence. 

As in the 2014 Scottish voting process (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-scots-rights-for-igbo.html), no Scottish voter, for or against restoration-of-independence at the Forth Bridge, outside Edinburgh, or in Glasgow or Inverness or Aye or Aberdeen or Stranraer or Edinburgh or Arbroath or Wick or indeed anywhere in Scotland would ever be shot at or harmed in any way by the British police/military/MI5/whatever in exercising this inalienable right, guaranteed by the United Nations, to decide on this crucial testament of freedom.

British suzerain state’s Nigeria

Astonishingly, in sharp contrast, Britain’s Nigeria, also a signatory to the UN declaration on the rights of peoples to self-determination, would have sent its genocidist military to drown an Edinburgh-style Biafran freedom party news conference held in any of the Biafran cities of Enuugwu, Onicha, Ugwuta, Oka, Igwe Ocha, Aba, Umuahia, Igwe Nga, Ehuugbo, or Asaba, for instance, in an orgy of massacres of the attending delegates and leaders. Nnamdi Kanu and several leaders and officials of the Biafran freedom movement are currently incarcerated in illegal detentions by the Nigeria regime. Given the antecedent of Britain’s stony silence (since the Cameron administration and Theresa May’s on not only these arrests but also on the string of recent massacres of Biafrans, beginning November 2015, Britain would very unlikely condemn any such expanded murder outrage by its Nigeria client-state and leadership.

MANY OBSERVERS, including those sympathetic to the course of the Nigeria genocidist regime, have shown repeatedly that if a referendum were held in Biafra today to determine the wishes of the people, the overwhelming majority of the population would vote for restoration-of-independence” (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2015/11/how-anti-biafran-freedom-columnist.html). Inevitably, Britain will surely explain to the wider world much sooner than later why it accepts the rights of 5 million Scots to exercise this freedom which could cause the collapse of a union of 310 years of willing partners but is unrelentingly instrumental in waging/supporting a 51-year-old genocide campaign against 50 million Igbo people, forced into a conquest agglomeration of a “state” created and called Nigeria by Britain, but who, equally as the Scots, want their own freedom.

Statute of limitations

It is absolutely crucial to remind all those involved in the prosecution of the Igbo genocide, wherever they are domiciled, that there is no statute of limitations in international law in the apprehension, prosecution and punishment of persons or institutions involved in the crime of genocide. 

Igbo seek and will achieve justice for the perpetration of this crime against its people, a crime against humanity. It doesn’t matter how long it takes. Igbo seek and will achieve the restoration of Biafra.
(Alice Coltrane Quartet, “Lord, help me to be” [personnel: Coltrane, piano; Pharoah Sanders, tenor saxophone;  Jimmy Garrison, bass; Ben Riley, drums; recorded: Coltrane home studio, Dix Hills, New York, US, 29 January 1968]) 
Twitter@HerbertEkweEkwe

Sunday, 13 March 2016

Scotland plans for a new referendum for restoration-of-independence

(Nicola Sturgeon: Our dream is for Scotland to become independent … To be in the driving seat of our own destiny)
Nicola Sturgeon, leader of the Scottish Nationalist Party and first minister of Scotland has announced that Scotland will try again to vote in a new referendum for the restoration of independence, 309 years after union with England in the state called United Kingdom. In the last referendum exercise in October 2014, the “Yes-for-independence” vote scored 45 per cent against the “No” campaigners who won by receiving 55 per cent. 

Speaking yesterday (Saturday 12 March 2016) at the SNP’s spring conference in Glasgow, Sturgeon quoted Eleanor Roosevelt, wife of a former US president, who memorably stressed that the “future belongs to those who believe in the beauty of their dreams”. For Sturgeon,
Our dream is for Scotland to become independent … To be in the driving seat of our own destiny, to shape our own future. And on the basis of equality with our family across the British Isles and our friends across the globe, to play our part in building a better world. That is a beautiful dream. And we believe in it.
No peoples are exempt

Roosevelt’s vision and Sturgeon’s studied inspiration from it is indeed shared not only by Scots but by a stretch of peoples and nations across the globe. The Igbo people of Biafra in southwestcentral Africa, 3475 miles southeast of Scotland, are proud to belong to this illustrious heritage. For 50 years, beginning on 29 May 1966, the Igbo have sought to be in the “driving seat of their destiny … and shape [their] own future” but have been subjected to a devastating genocide by Nigeria and Britain, the very country that Scotland has been part of since 1707. In fact, quite a few prominent Scottish politicians, most of whom were in the (British) Labour party at the time, were active agents in the perpetration of this genocide.  In phases I-III of the genocide (29 May 1966-12 January 1970), the Anglo-Nigerian genocidist amalgam murdered 3.1 million Igbo people or one-quarter of this nation’s population.

This genocide is still continuing. Since Muhammadu Buhari (current head of regime in Nigeria who the British played a key role to install and wholeheartedly supports) came to power in May 2015, hundreds of Igbo people demanding the restoration of their independence have been murdered – usually shot at sight during peaceful freedom marches by the Nigerian military equipped mostly with British weapons.

Unlike the Igbo, Scotland is not seeking freedom from the United Kingdom because it has been assailed by genocide or any other crimes from the union. Of course not. On the contrary, Scotland has been a distinct beneficiary from the union including access to the gargantuan wealth seized by the union across the globe during its centuries of conquests and occupations which included Biafra and other regions of the African World (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-scots-rights-for-igbo.html).

What Scotland seeks from the UK is freedom to be in the “driving seat of their destiny”, the right of self-determination which is inalienable, which is for all peoples, which is recognised by the United Nations. No peoples are therefore exempt from this right whatever may be their status, experience or circumstance in the state from which they wish to exit.

Appropriately it couldn’t

Britain, a signatory to the relevant articles of the UN convention that recognises this right to self-determination prefers, understandably, that Scotland continues its constituent relationship with the UK-union but respects Scotland’s right to seek to be “in the driving seat of [its] own destiny”. Appropriately, the British military or police couldn’t, conceivably, disrupt yesterday’s SNP conference in Glasgow nor stop Nicola Sturgeon from making her speech for renewed referendum for the restoration of independence. 

As in the 2014 Scottish voting process (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-scots-rights-for-igbo.html), no Scottish voter, for or against restoration-of-independence at the Forth Bridge, outside Edinburgh, or in Glasgow or Inverness or Aye or Aberdeen or Stranraer or Edinburgh or Arbroath or Wick or indeed anywhere in Scotland would ever be shot at or harmed in any way by the British police/military/MI5/whatever in exercising this inalienable right, guaranteed by the United Nations, to decide on this crucial testament of freedom.

Britain’s Nigeria

Astonishingly, in sharp contrast, Britain’s Nigeria, also a signatory to the UN declaration on the rights of peoples to self-determination, would have sent its genocidist military to drown a Glasgow-style Biafran freedom party conference held in any of the Biafran cities of Enuugwu, Onicha, Oka, Igwe Ocha, Aba or Asaba, for instance, in an orgy of massacres of the attending delegates and leaders. Nnamdi Kanu and several leaders and officials of the Biafran freedom movement are currently incarcerated in illegal detentions by the Nigeria regime. Given the antecedent of Britain’s stony silence on not only these arrests but also on the string of recent massacres of Biafrans, beginning November 2015, Britain would very unlikely condemn any such expanded murder outrage by its Nigeria client-state and leadership.

The link below shows the crux of Nicola Sturgeon’s yesterday’s important address to the Scottish people on plans for a new referendum to decide Scotland's future. Many observers, including those sympathetic to the course of the Nigeria genocidist regime, have shown repeatedly that if a referendum were held in Biafra today to determine the wishes of the people, the overwhelming majority of the population would vote for restoration-of-independence” (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2015/11/how-anti-biafran-freedom-columnist.html). Inevitably, Britain will surely explain to the wider world much sooner than later why it accepts the rights of 5 million Scots to exercise this freedom which could cause the collapse of a union of 309 years but is unrelentingly instrumental in waging/supporting a 50-year-old genocide campaign against 50 million Igbo people who equally want their own freedom.

Statute of limitations

It is absolutely crucial to remind all those involved in the prosecution of the Igbo genocide, wherever they are domiciled, that there is no statute of limitations in international law in the apprehension, prosecution and punishment of persons or institutions involved in the crime of genocide. Igbo seek and will achieve justice for the perpetration of this crime against its people, a crime against humanity. It doesn’t matter how long it takes. Igbo seek and will achieve the restoration of Biafra.
(Nicola Sturgeon: “... This summer we will embark on a new initiative to build support for Scottish independence...)
Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe

Saturday, 30 January 2016

Licence to murder? What’s the difference between the Nigeria military and al-Mourabitoun/al-Shabaab/Ansar dine/al-Qaeda/al-Qaeda in the Arabian peninsula/al-Qaeda in the islamic Maghreb/Boko Haram/Islamic state/Taleban?


Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe


Select terrorist outrages across the world, November 2015-January 2016

(1) 10 November 2015

Nigeria occupation military brigade (comprising army, police, secret police, other undisclosed units) positioned at Igwe Ocha, south Biafra, attacks peaceful Biafra freedom marchers campaigning for the restoration of Biafra sovereignty and release of Nnamdi Kanu (Radio Biafra freedom broadcaster and leader of Indigenous People of Biafra illegally detained by the Nigeria regime since 14 October 2015), murdering 3 and wounding several others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: stunning silence from the world – including, especially, leading powers US and Britain who played a crucial role in installing genocidist commander Muhammadu Buhari, who oversees these Igbo massacres, as current Nigeria’s head of regime in March 2015; scant mention of massacre by leading global news outlets

(2) 12 November

Islamic state suicide bombers murder 43 people and 240 others wounded in an attack in Beirut, Lebanon
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(3) 13 November

Islamic state fighters attack central Paris, France, murdering 38 people and wounding 368 others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(4) 20 November

Al-Mourabitoun and al-Qaeda in the islamic Maghreb fighters attack hotel in Bamako, Mali, murdering 27 people and wounding 2
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(5) 24 November

Islamic state suicide bombers attack bus in Tunis, Tunisia, murdering 12 people and wounding 17 others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(6) 2 December

[a] Sayed Rizwan Farook and Tashfeen Malik, a husband-wife-terrorist duo, attack a holiday facility at San Bernardino, California, United States, murdering 14 people and wounding 23 others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

[b] Nigeria occupation military brigade (comprising navy, army, police, secret police, other undisclosed units) positioned at head bridge, Onicha, southwestcentral Biafra, attacks peaceful Biafra freedom marchers campaigning for restoration of Biafran sovereignty and release of Nnamdi Kanu (Radio Biafra freedom broadcaster and leader of Indigenous People of Biafra illegally detained by the Nigeria regime since 14 October 2015), murdering 11 people and wounding scores of others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: stunning silence from the world – including, especially, leading powers US and Britain who played a crucial role in installing genocidist commander Muhammadu Buhari, who oversees these Igbo massacres, as Nigeria’s current head of regime in March 2015; scant mention of massacre by leading global news outlets

(7) 12 December

Nigeria military brigade (comprising army, police, secret police, other undisclosed units) positioned at Zaria, northcentral Nigeria, attacks Shiite muslims led by Ibrahim Zakzaky, murdering 300 people and wounding scores of others including Zakzaky who the Nigeria regime detains subsequently
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE … condemnation by a number of countries including the US which states categorically after this attack: “The United States calls on the government of Nigeria to quickly, credibly, and transparently investigate these events in Zaria and hold to account any individuals found to have committed crimes”; Shiite Iran condemns the attack and its parliament calls on Nigeria to “launch an investigation into these deaths”; massacre widely publicised by leading global news outlets                                                         

(8)  17 December

Nigeria occupation military brigade (comprising navy, army, police, secret police, other undisclosed units) positioned at head bridge, Onicha, southwestcentral Biafra, attacks peaceful Biafra freedom marchers campaigning for restoration of Biafran sovereignty and celebrating an Abuja (Nigeria) court’s ruling releasing Nnamdi Kanu (Radio Biafra freedom broadcaster and leader of Indigenous People of Biafra illegally detained by the Nigeria regime since 14 October 2015), murdering 8 and wounding scores of others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: stunning silence from the world – including, especially, leading powers US and Britain who played a crucial role in installing genocidist commander Muhammadu Buhari, who oversees these Igbo massacres, as current Nigeria’s head of regime in March 2015; scant mention of massacre by leading global news outlets

(9) 12 January 2016

Islamic state suicide bomber attacks shopping facility in Istanbul, Turkey, murdering 11 people and wounding 14 others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(10)  14 January 2016

Islamic state suicide bombers/other designated fighters attack central Jakarta, Indonesia, murdering 4 people and wounding 24 others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations, widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(11) 15-16 January 2016

Al-Qaeda in the islamic Maghreb attack hotel in Ouagadougou, Burkina Faso, murdering 29 people and wounding 56 others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: world-wide condemnation by leading powers including the US and Britain, as well as the United Nations; widely publicised by leading global news outlets

(12) 19 January

Nigeria occupation military brigade (comprising army, police, secret police, other undisclosed units) positioned at Aba, southeast Biafra, attacks peaceful Biafra freedom marchers campaigning for restoration of Biafran sovereignty and calling for release of Nnamdi Kanu (Radio Biafra freedom broadcaster and leader of Indigenous People of Biafra illegally detained by the Nigeria regime since 14 October 2015), murdering 8 and wounding scores of others
INTERNATIONAL RESPONSE: stunning silence from the world – including, especially, leading powers US and Britain who played a crucial role in installing genocidist commander Muhammadu Buhari, who oversees these Igbo massacres, as current Nigeria’s head of regime in March 2015; scant mention of massacre by leading global news outlets

Notes

As the empirical evidence above shows (1, 6b, 12 ), genocidist Nigeria can, in the contemporary era, 2015-2016, openly and defiantly murder the world’s people who are Igbo and Biafran and African and Christian without any protest or sanction from the rest of the world, not least from the leading powers of the age including the United Nations, the organisation that proclaims that it exists to serve human solidarity and progress.

Thanks to the British government led by Harold Wilson, Nigeria indeed acquired this licence to murder the Igbo as it sought fit during phases I-III of the Igbo genocide, 29 May 1966-12 January 1970 – hence the world’s deafening silence that accompanies each of the three Nigerian atrocities recorded above. This is one of the haunting catastrophes of this epoch. At the apogee of the genocide, 1968-1969, Harold Wilson insisted, on record, that he, Wilson, “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took” Nigeria to destroy the Igbo resistance to the genocide (Roger Morris, Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy, London and New York: Quartet Books, 1977, p. 122). The Nigerian subalterns on the ground in this southwestcentral Africa region, the “boys” – indolent, toady, virulently and vindictively anti-African operatives, handsomely obliged their “massa”, slaughtering far beyond the grim Wilson-target of 500,000 Igbo or 4.2 per cent of the Igbo population (then) by 12 January 1970. The Nigerians had instead murdered 3.1 million Igbo, 25 per cent of this nation’s population.  

Essentially, Harold Wilson, an elected politician, a politician in Britain, an advanced West democracy, indeed the leader of the British Labour party, had authorised and managed his country’s support for the perpetration of the Igbo genocide, the foundational genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa, 21 years after the end of the deplorable Jewish genocide by Germany in Europe in which 6 million Jews were murdered. Furthermore, Harold Wilson’s “would accept a half million dead Biafrans if that was what it took”-declaration became the defining template of the diminution of African life which formed the context of Nigeria’s continuation of the Igbo genocide beyond 12 January 1970, further genocide in Rwanda (1994), Zaïre/Democratic Republic of the Congo (variously, since the late 1990s) and Darfur/Nuba Mountains/South Kordofan (all in Sudan since 2003) and in other wars on the continent. A total of 15 million Africans have been murdered across the continent in these genocides and other wars since Nigeria launched the Igbo genocide in May 1966. In this all-Africa cataclysmic outcome, Harold Wilson and his Nigerian génocidaires have operationalised that gripping insight of historian Chancellor Williams’s of the critical role that the African, themself, plays in their own subjugation by the pan-European World:
Now the shadows lengthened. The Europeans had also been busily building up and training strong African armies. Africans trained to hate, kill and conquer Africans. Blood of Africans was to sprinkle and further darken the pages of their history … Indeed, Africa was conquered for the Europeans by the Africans [themselves], and thereafter kept under [conquest] control by African police and African soldiers... (Chancellor Williams, The Destruction of Black Civilization, Chicago: Third World, new edition, 1995, p. 218)

“Massa”, “boys”, genocide

Pointedly, one of those principal commanding operatives who beckoned to the Wilson-“a half million dead Biafrans”-target 50 years ago is none other than Muhammadu Buhari who presently directs this phase (IV) of Nigeria’s licence to murder Igbo people. During the Wilson phase, Buhari was commander of a genocidist corps operating in north and northcentral Biafra, slaughtering to the hilt. Another monstrous commander of that phase, Olusegun Obasanjo, whose genocidist brigade operated in south Biafra slaughtering and laying waste to towns and villages and towns and villages on its trail and who, in June 1969, ordered his air force to shoot down an international Red Cross aircraft flying in urgently needed relief supplies to the encircled, blockaded and bombarded Igbo, has vociferously supported Buhari’s current death mission on Igbo people. Just as Obasanjo had gloated over his Igbo genocidist campaigns of the 1960s and the destruction of that relief plane in his memoirs (My Command, Ibadan and London: Heinemann, 1980), emphasising the firm support the genocidists enjoyed from Britain (My Command, p. 165, passim), Obasanjo has recently used newspaper and television interviews in Nigeria to propagate this phase-IV of Nigeria’s “Murder-Igbo” licence.
(O Obusonjoone of the most notorious operatives of the Igbo genocide)
Yet if this Buhari-Obasanjo swaggering duo Nigerian genocidists and others in their haematophagous lair of Nigeria were European, having participated in the genocide in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1990s, for instance, murdering a European people, they would have since been tried and sentenced to a long, life imprisonment term by a The Hague court. No one murders Europeans and struts around on the world stage as the Obasanjos and Buharis of Africa... But it must be stressed here that “massa” is not really in this business of ensuring global silence on Nigeria’s atrocities in Biafra in order to protect its genocidist “boys” in Nigeria from censure; no, to the contrary, “massa” doesn’t really relish in such transcontinental solidarity but will speedily dispose of the “boys” as the momentum of the march of the Biafran restoration-of-independence movement gathers pace. 

What has instead been the preoccupation of “massa”, all the while, is to shield itself, Britain, from international censure as the principal driving force in the execution of the Igbo genocide in these past 50 years. As I have shown in several studies (see, for instance, Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Readings from Reading: Essays on African Politics, Genocide, Literature, 2011, and Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe, Longest genocide – since 29 May 1966, forthcoming), Britain has played this instrumental role in the Igbo genocide militarily, politically, diplomatically. As these lines are written, Saturday 30 January 2015, the world must be reminded that it is with British weapons largely that Nigerian genocidists employ to murder Igbo people at will in occupied Biafra. As always, the Nigerian “boys” on the ground are confident that they have their “massa”’s back, 2961 miles away in Europe, in “upholding” this crime against humanity.

Postscript

Recently, Nicola Sturgeon, the leader of the Scottish Nationalist Party and first minister of Scotland, announced that if Britain were to vote to leave the European Union in a forthcoming referendum, this outcome “could trigger” another referendum in Scotland itself (BBC, London, 26 January 2016) demanding the restoration of Scottish independence. As in the 2014 Scottish voting process (http://re-thinkingafrica.blogspot.co.uk/2012/01/rights-for-scots-rights-for-igbo.html), no Scottish voter, for or against restoration-of-independence at the Forth Bridge, outside Edinburgh, or in Glasgow, Inverness, Aye, Aberdeen, Stranraer, Edinburgh, Arbroath, Wick, anywhere in this country, would ever be shot at or harmed in any way by the British police/military/MI5/whatever in exercising this inalienable right, guaranteed by the United Nations, to decide on this crucial testament of freedom.

Britain (as well as Nigeria) is a signatory to the UN declaration on the rights of peoples to self-determination. Britain will surely explain to the wider world much sooner than later why it accepts the rights of 5 million Scots to exercise this freedom which could cause the collapse of a union of 310 years but is unrelentingly instrumental in waging a 50-year-old genocide campaign against 50 million Igbo people, 3150 miles away in southwestcentral Africa, who equally want their own freedom.

For all those concerned in the Igbo genocide, there is no statute of limitations in international law in the apprehension, prosecution and punishment of persons or institutions involved in the crime of genocide, a crucial feature of justice underscored just recently with the news that a 95-year-old suspect operative in the Nazi Germany genocide machine against the Jews in Auschwitz-Birkenau, Poland, in 1944, will go on trial next month, February 2016 (CNN, Atlanta, 19 January 2016), for this crime committed 72 years ago.

Igbo seek and will achieve justice for the perpetration of this crime against its people. Igbo seek and will achieve the restoration of Biafra.
(John Coltrane Quartet, “Lonnie’s lament” [personnel: Coltrane, tenor saxophone; McCoy Tyner, piano, piano; Jimmy Garrison, bass; Elvin Jones, drums; recorded: Van Gelder Studio, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, US, 27 April/1 June 1964])
Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe



Friday, 7 June 2013

Commanding the genocide against Igbo people...

The Nigerian state murdered 3.1 million Igbo children, women and men, a quarter of this nation’s population, during the genocide of 29 May 1966-12 January 1970. This genocide is still ongoing (phase-IV). Yakubu Gowon headed the junta that executed the genocide and Obafemi Awolowo, a lawyer, was his deputy, prime minister, the genocidist “chief theorist” for the campaign and head of the all-powerful finance ministry. Awolowo also programmed and inaugurated phase-IV of the genocide, in full speed currently, aimed to dismantle/degrade Igbo economy, pre-genocide Africa’s most dynamic and resourceful economy, in perpetuity. The ghoulish anthem of the genocide, broadcast uninterruptedly in Hausa on Kaduna state-run radio (short wave band) and television throughout its 44 months’ duration, has the following blatantly-expressed gruesome lyrics for this crime’s tactical and strategic goals (and would have undoubtedly influenced similarly virulent genocidist broadcasters in Rwanda 30 years later): 

Mu je mu kashe nyamiri
Mu kashe maza su da yan maza su
Mu chi mata su da yan mata su
Mu kwashe kaya su
(English translation: Let’s go kill the damned Igbo/Kill off their men and boys/Rape their wives and daughters/Cart off their property)

Those responsible for the death of 3.1 million Igbo people must face trial for this crime against humanity. Thankfully, there is no statute of limitations in the prosecution of genocide in international law. If the Nigerian genocidists had been tried after 12 January 1970, Africa would probably have been spared the additional 12 million who have been murdered in subsequent genocides in Rwanda, Darfur, Nuba Mountains, South Kordofan (all three in the Sudan) and Zaïre/Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in other wars in Africa. 

Finally, a genocide-state, such as Nigeria, has indeed no future as its raison d’être is nothing else but murder and murder and murder...



Twitter @HerbertEkweEkwe



Sunday, 21 October 2012

Commanding the Igbo genocide…


The Nigerian state murdered 3.1 million Igbo children, women and men, a quarter of this nation’s population, during the genocide of 29 May 1966-12 January 1970. This genocide is still ongoing (phase-IV). Yakubu Gowon headed the junta that executed the genocide and Obafemi Awolowo, a lawyer, was his deputy and genocidist “theorist” for the campaign and head of the all-powerful finance ministry. The ghoulish anthem of the genocide, broadcast uninterruptedly in Hausa on Kaduna state-run radio (short wave band) and television throughout its 44 months’ duration has the following blatantly-expressed gruesome lyrics for this crime’s tactical and strategic goals: 

Mu je mu kashe nyamiri
Mu kashe maza su da yan maza su
Mu chi mata su da yan mata su
Mu kwashe kaya su
(English translation: Let’s go kill the damned Igbo/Kill off their men and boys/Rape their wives and daughters/Cart off their property)

Those responsible for the death of 3.1 million Igbo people must face trial for this crime against humanity. Thankfully, there is no statute of limitations in the prosecution of genocide in international law. If the Nigerian genocidists had been tried after 12 January 1970, Africa would probably have been spared the additional 12 million who have been murdered in subsequent genocides in Rwanda, Darfur, Nuba Mountains, South Kordofan (all three in the Sudan) and Zaïre/Democratic Republic of the Congo, and in other wars in Africa. 

Finally, a genocide-state, such as Nigeria, has indeed no future as its raison d’être is nothing else but murder and murder and murder...

Monday, 15 October 2012

A snap reflection on these times!


The Nigerian state murdered 3.1 million Igbo, a quarter of this nation’s population, during the genocide of 29 May 1966 and 12 January 1970. This genocide is still ongoing (phase-III). Since the September 2012 publication of Chinua Achebe’s There was a Country, the world has witnessed the staggering depravity that underscores the ways and means a stretch of Nigerian intellectuals (especially journalists and writers – even a “poet”! –, etc., etc.) in Nigeria and abroad continues to “defend” the genocide. Everyone must know that there is no statute of limitations in the prosecution of the crime of genocide in international law.