Rethinking Africa is a forward looking blog dedicated to the exchange of innovative thinking on issues affecting the advancement of African peoples wherever they are. We provide rigorous and insightful analyses on the issues affecting Africans and their vision of the world.
Bandleader, prolific arranger and producer, composer, especially the classic The Blues and the Abstract Truth (February 1961), featuring multiinstrumentalist Eric Dolphy, trumpeter Freddie Hubbard, pianist Bill Evans, baritone saxophonist George Barrow, bassist Paul Chambers and drummer Roy Haynes
(Oliver Nelson Quintet, “Six and four” [personnel: Nelson, alto saxophone {first solo take}; Eric Dolphy, alto saxophone {second solo following Nelson and before Wyands}; Richard Wyands, piano; George Duvivier, bass; Roy Haynes, drums; recorded: Van Gelder Studio, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, US, 1 March 1961])
(Oliver Nelson Septet, “Stolen moments” – personnel: Nelson, tenor saxophone; Freddie Hubbard, trumpet; Eric Dolphy, alto saxophone, flute; George Barrow, baritone saxophone; Bill Evans, piano; Paul Chambers, bass; Roy Haynes, drums [recorded: Van Gelder Studio, Englewood Cliffs, NJ, US, 23 February 1961])
(Chinua Achebe, A Man of the People, London: Heinemann, 1966, 167pp., £7.10, pb, £4.35, kindle/US$11.63, pb)
___________________________________________ Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe
This is the year ofA Man
of the People. 2016 is the 50th anniversary of the publication of Chinua
Achebe’s fourth novel, the gripping satire.
A Man of the People (hereinafter, AMP)
is published in early January 1966. This is a few days before the military coup
d’état that overthrows the Abubakar Tafawa Balewa civilian government in
Nigeria which the supposedly outgoing British occupation-governor had imposed
on the country in 1959, following a fractious election that the British rigged in
favour of its north region religiopolitical clients, long opposed to African
liberation. The latter would, in turn, safeguard those vast expropriatory
interests of Britain’s in the country subsequently (Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe,
“Elections in Africa – the voter, the court, the outcome”, PENSAR-Revisita de Ciêcias Jurídicas, Vol. 18, Número 3, 2013, pp. 804-836,
In effect, the striking feature in
the resolution of the grave crisis of this state that Achebe wrestles with in AMP is
its degeneration into a military coup and rampaging violence (“But the Army
obliged us by staging a coup at that point and locking up every member of the
Government” – Achebe, A Man of the People, 1966: 165), an
extraordinary predictive insight, if ever there was one, that confronts the
reader, considering the gruesome trajectory of politics in Nigeria, in 1966,
the year this same state launches the Igbo genocide, the foundational genocide
of post(European)conquest Africa, in which 3.1 million Igbo are murdered.
Indeed on the receipt of an advance copy of AMP, poet and
playwright John Pepper Clarke-Bekederemoobserves, “Chinua, I know you are
a prophet. Everything in this book has happened except a military coup”
(emphasis in the original). Ken Post, a British academic working in west Africa
at the time, recalls: “Chinua Achebe proved
to be a better prophet than any of the political scientists”. Once again,
“Prophet”! So, Chinua Achebe, the Father of African Literature, is also a prophet?
Insights
AMP focuses on two main
protagonists: Nanga, or to refer to his official designation: Chief the
Honourable M. A. Nanga, M.P., Minister of Culture, and Odili, the narrator. In
case anyone is inclined to think that Nanga’s depiction is much of a parody,
given the thrust of the novel, they need to be reassured that a Nanga actively walking the corridors of regime
power in contemporary Nigeria, 50 years later, is likely to wear the
following even more bombastic tag: Chief (Prof) Dr Alhaji Sir (Gen, ret.)
Mallam The Honourable, M. A. Ph.D. Nanga, M.P., mni, Minister of Higher
Priesthood & Culture, such is Achebe’s exceptional descriptive and
imaginative insights so registered avidly throughout the novel. Nanga
epitomises what public service entails for the typical politician in Nigeria,
since 1960: corrupt and corrupting operative who fleeces the public treasury,
“bloated by the flatulence of ill-gotten wealth, living in the big mansion
built with public money” (Achebe, 1966: 85).
Odili, the school
teacher, the reflective intellectual, and authorial voice, argues that the
Chief (Prof) Dr Alhaji Sir (Gen, ret.) The Honourable Nangas of the times are
so stubbornly confident that, “as long as [peoples in society] are swayed by
their hearts and stomachs and not their heads the … Nangas of this world will
continue to get away with anything” (73). The Nangas here, and in fact
elsewhere, Odili continues, have “taken away enough for the owner to notice …
It was not just a simple question of a [person’s] cup being full. A [person’s]
cup might be full and none the wiser. But here the owner knew, and the owner …
is the will of the people” (97). Besides the billions of US dollars which
Britain and its allied interests have wrenched from its Nigeria creation over
the years, what empirically constitutes that which has been “taken away enough
for the owner to notice” by these fleecing brigands of African overseeing
truckers between the 1960s and presently is US$700 billion.
Brigand & monster
Here, Franz
Schurmann’s observation that these brigands are not “traditional but rather a
phenomenon of modernity ... fighting for power in a Western-type state…” (Franz
Schurmann, “Africa is saving itself”, Choices: The Human Development Magazine,
Vol. 5, June 1996: 4-5) is hugely significant. What has been definitive in the
past 50 years of this “fighting for power” in the restricted, calibrated spaces
of just overseeing these African redoubts created by and for pan-European World
interests in perpetuity is that it is a fight to the death – genocides
(Igbo, Tutsi, Darfuri, Blue Nile/South Kordofan/Nuba Mountains, Democratic
Republicof the Congo), wars, immiseration… genocides, wars, immiseration... Between 29 May 1966 and today, 2 January 2015, the “Berlin-states” of Africa have
been responsible for the murder of 15 million Africans. Its worst offender, its
most notorious, its principal killer, remains Nigeria. This Nigeria. This
haematophagous monster. This Nigeria, this killing machine which continues its
murder of Igbo people most ruthlessly, most flagrantly, most unconscionably,
even as these lines are written…
Africans now no
longer need any reminders that the “Berlin-state” in their midst is not there
for their interests, their wellbeing. Enough
of this reminder. Enough! There couldn’t be any more eloquent interlocutors on
this subject, in the case of Nigeria, for instance, than Frederick Lugard and
Hugh Clifford, the very British creators of this contraption, who, right from
the outset, preview its cataclysmic outcome. Lugard, its chief conquest state operative at the
time had in fact observed that “south and north [Nigeria] are like oil and water
that do not mix” (Osita Ebiem, Nigeria, Biafra & Boko Haram, New
York: Page Publishing, 2014: 47) and Clifford, another conquest overseer,
agreed, quite panoramically, in the context of both history and geography: “Nigeria is a collection of
independent states, separated from one another by great distances, by differences
of history and traditions and by racial, political, social and religious
barriers” (11). Despite the misgivings, the conquest regime boxed in these
disparate conquered peoples, nations, histories and worldviews into a
disarticulated “state” for the express interests of British
politicoeconomic and strategic expropriatory goals. It is now an overriding
imperative that each and every constituent people or nation in Nigeria embarks
on the construction of a state that suits its wellbeing. This crisis,
currently, is undoubtedly existential.
Freedom
Just as an empirical
value has been offered to underscore the urgency of Odili’s philosophical
musings on the pulverising economic legacy of the local overseer brigands of
the still-occupied Africa, another empirical reference is available
in A Man of the People, thankfully,
to address Odili’s own “the-owner-knew” liberatory conclusion. This
is the “the will of the people” (Achebe: 97), which, at last, does know what is
at stake in this human-made imbroglio. It also requires a human intervention to
right this wrong of history – precisely what the determined and disciplined
Biafran freedom movement is implementing presently across the towns and cities
and villages of Biafra. Thus, this intervention and its profound consequences which will largely define the politics of the epoch is, indeed, another predictive asset
of the great prophet.
(Oliver Nelson
Quintet, “Six
and Four” – personnel:Nelson, alto
saxophone;Eric Dolphy, alto saxophone;Richard Wyands, piano;George Duvivier, bass;Roy Haynes, drums [recorded Van Gelder Studio, Englewood Cliffs, NJ,
US, 1 March 1961])
Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe is specialist on the state and on genocide & wars in Africa in the post-1966 epoch – beginning with the Igbo genocide, 29 May 1966-present day, the foundational and most gruesome genocide of post-(European)conquest Africa. 3.1 million Igbo or 25 per cent of this nation’s population were murdered by Nigeria and its allies, principally Britain. Africa and the rest of the world largely stood by and watched as the perpetrators enacted this horror most ruthlessly. The world could have stopped this genocide; the world should have stopped this genocide. This genocide inaugurated Africa’s current age of pestilence. During the period, 12 million additional Africans have been murdered in further genocide in Rwanda (1994), Zaïre/DRCongo (variously, since the late 1990s) and Darfur – west of the Sudan – (since 2004) and in other wars in Africa. African peoples have, presently, no other choice but exit/dismantle the extant genocide-state (the bane of their existence & progress) & construct own nation-centred states that serve their interests. He is author of several books & papers on the subject and his new book is entitled The longest genocide – since 29 May 1966 (2019).